Indian Council of World Affairs

Samatha Mallempati:  Good afternoon. Before we begin, I would kindly request everyone to put their mobile phones on silent mode. Excellencies, esteemed guests, ladies and gentlemen, it is my pleasure to welcome you all to the Indian Council of World Affairs for the talk by Honourable Mr. Sajith Premadasa, Leader of Opposition, Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka on India-Sri Lanka Bilateral Relations. Today's program is as follows. The welcome remarks will be given by Ms. Nutan Kapoor Mahawar, Acting Director General, and Additional Secretary, Indian Council of World Affairs, who will also moderate the session. Thereafter, Honourable Mr. Sajith Premadasa, the Leader of Opposition of Sri Lanka, will share his views on the topic “India-Sri Lanka Bilateral Relations”. The talk will be followed by Q&A, which will be moderated by the Chair. With this, may I now invite Ms. Nutan Kapoor Mahawar, Acting Director General, ICWA, to deliver her welcome remarks and conduct the proceedings. Thank you. 

Nutan Kapoor Mahawar: Honourable Mr. Sajith Premadasa, Leader of the Opposition in the Parliament of Sri Lanka, members of the Diplomatic Corps, academia, media, and students. 

I have often wondered why Sri Lanka is so important for India. This pearl of the Indian Ocean has been, after all, following us for eons since geographical India parted ways from Africa and moved northwards as a result of plate tectonics. This epic journey together is further cemented by the umbilical cord of the Adam’s Bridge connecting India to Sri Lanka, despite the constantly changing sea levels surrounding it. 

Apart from the plate tectonics, it is the spiritual connect that binds the people of India and Sri Lanka together and which we were just talking about with His Excellency in the room just now. The Gulf of Mannar, across which the Adam’s Bridge or Ram Setu is located, derives its name from Lord Vishnu. It is a certain sacred geography that defines the Indian subcontinent, stretching from Kailash Mansarovar in Tibet to the Ramayana sites and Shankari Devi Shakti Peeth in Sri Lanka or relevant to the Buddhist period, from Lumbini in Nepal to Anuradhapura in Sri Lanka. This sacred geography predates cartographic divisions of the Indian subcontinent by several millennia. 

Third and importantly, we look like each other, which adds to the comfort level in dealing with each other. This, of course, is rooted in historical migration and mobility patterns between the two countries over several millennia. 

Fourth, our turbulent colonial past binds us together. Having been a playground of European powers hostile to each other and battling it out on our lands, our shared history has shaped the similarity of our approaches to domestic development, to external relations, and our worldview, and our quest for multicultural ideals and interfaith harmony. 

Moving to contemporary contexts, Sri Lanka is an integral part of India's neighborhood first policy and vision Mahasagar, its maritime vision for stability, security, and shared prosperity. It is now incumbent upon us to navigate, alone and together, the geopolitical shifts currently underway in a manner that serves the interests of our people and of the subcontinent. Primary among these is enhancing human security, which is a key challenge facing the world today. 

Sri Lanka has seen several ups and downs at the turn of the new millennium. Not only has it been through a devastating civil war, it has also been witness to terror attacks, political assassinations, societal divisions, a devastating tsunami, and near economic collapse. In all this, India has stood by Sri Lanka through thick and thin. 

The present dispensation in Sri Lanka is attempting to confront deep-rooted economic and political challenges. It also faces a major test of its commitment to post-war accountability and reconciliation. The role of the opposition in Sri Lanka in all this is extremely important and significant, to say the least. 

I can think of two important agenda items for a renewed India-Sri Lanka partnership. One, all-encompassing connectivity, not only physical but also digital, energy, maritime, transport and communications, people-to-people, which will help pave the way for strong integrative linkages. Two, greater convergence in security outlooks, as seen in enhanced defense and security cooperation and maritime cooperation at the bilateral and regional level through cooperation such as in maritime domain awareness and disaster – and maritime domain awareness between Coast Guards, military-to-military exercises and other engagements, as well as cooperation in HADR, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, and non-traditional threats to security such as IUU fishing, piracy and armed robbery at sea, oil spills, etc. I am sure our foreign offices are working with each other in this regard. 

Friends, with this backdrop, it is my pleasure to welcome His Excellency Mr. Sajith Premadasa, current opposition leader of the Parliament of Sri Lanka and the leader of the main opposition party Samagi Jana Balawegaya to ICWA, India's oldest and leading foreign policy think tank. Mr. Premadasa entered the Parliament for the first time in 2000. He has served as the Minister of Health and Housing in the governments of Sri Lanka's United National Party. He is seen as a people-friendly political leader and has worked extensively at the grassroots level on initiatives dealing with areas such as poverty alleviation, model villages program, and shelter for all. He has also worked for the modernization of Sri Lanka's construction industry and on renovation of historical sites like the Buddhist stupas. 

May I now invite His Excellency Mr. Sajith Premadasa to deliver his talk on India-Sri Lanka bilateral relations. Your Excellency, we are eagerly looking forward to listen to you, and the floor is yours, Mr. Premadasa. 

Sajith Premadasa:  Her Excellency Ambassador Nutan Kapoor, Her Excellency Madam Mahishini Colonne, distinguished participants, friends, ladies and gentlemen, I am honored and privileged to have had this unique opportunity of coming to the Indian Council of World Affairs, an institution that throughout the years has played an instrumental role in the foreign policy decision-making processes of India. This institution, though it is funded by the Minister of External Affairs, has maintained its autonomy, authenticity, and provided prudent, pragmatic policy advice in order to promote India's national interests and India's global interests. So I'm extremely happy to be here, and I shall provide you with a synopsis of my take on the Indo-Sri Lanka relationship, and thereon I'm always happy to answer any queries that you may have on prevailing issues. 

It is our sincere belief that Sri Lanka-Indian relationship should be seen as an opportunity and not as a threat. It's an opportunity to attain mutual benefit, to attain prosperity, an opportunity to establish connectivities at all levels that accrue competitive advantages and comparative advantages on both our countries. At a time when Sri Lanka is facing a plethora of challenges, challenges that are economic, social, political, cultural, religious, it is indispensable that our relationship with India functions in a manner that facilitates Sri Lanka extricating itself from its present quagmire. 

Sri Lanka underwent triple tragedies in recent times. The Easter Sunday terror attack, the Corona-COVID health disaster and bankruptcy due to ill-advised economic policies. These triple tragedies have led to immense suffering, stress, and created new levels of poverty, which approaches approximately 40% of our population. They suffer from consumption poverty, savings poverty, investment poverty, poverty in all its facets. At a time when Sri Lanka is facing these enormous challenges, the Indo-Sri Lanka relationship should be devoid of parochial thinking. We need to think anew and we need to think afar. Our relationship should be results-based, evidence-based, ensure that both our nation-states are able to work together, work together in the technology arena, work in combination in the investment field, work together on championing and promoting South-South cooperation, promotion of green energy, have a combined effort to have integrated poverty alleviation programs, an issue that is facing both our nation-states, ensure once again that the micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises and businesses are rejuvenated and reinvigorated so that they become engines of economic growth. 

I would like to assert that Sri Lanka at all times will work towards ensuring the national security interests of India, a global power, a superpower that should have its rightful place in the United Nations Security Council as a permanent member. We make these observations in a sincere manner, because we believe that working together will result in prosperity for both our nation-states, most important of all, its people. We believe in inclusive growth, shared prosperity, not the typical winner-takes-all ideologies. We have to share prosperity. We have to ensure that all in society are winners through our transactions and relationships. 

So let me assure all of you that Sri Lanka has a single-minded approach to come out of its present levels of bankruptcy. It's not an easy task. It's full of challenges. Even though certain macroeconomic indicators indicate positive tendencies, we face a pivotal challenge, cometh 2028, when repayment of our foreign loans and debt commenced. In order to do so, we have to maintain high levels of economic growth, expansion of the export sector and foreign exchange earnings, thereby enhancing our foreign reserve levels, ensure that we improve upon our remittances, induce and encourage and incentivize greater foreign direct investment. And I would like to take this opportunity to encourage businesses, enterprises and investors here in India. We welcome you with open arms because your infusion of capital resources will help the people of Sri Lanka return to normality. Normality that is predicated upon present and future progress. We need innovative thinking to use the Indo-Sri Lanka relationship. It should be a strategic tool for both our countries to ensure that we prosper together. Thank you. 

Nutan Kapoor Mahawar:  So, thank you, Your Excellency, for your remarks which have provided us with insights regarding your views on the indispensability of the India-Sri Lanka bilateral relationship, on taking it further forward, on further strengthening it in these very challenging times for Sri Lanka and also in global geopolitics. So friends, Mr. Premadasa told me that he wanted this session to be more interactive, so he has very kindly agreed to take questions from the audience. Please introduce yourself before asking the question, identify yourself and keep your questions brief so that we can make it more participatory and encourage more participation. So I now open the floor for questions. Yes, first the lady here. We'll take three questions in a go and then you can answer three questions at one time and then we'll take another round. 

Seema Guha:  Good evening. This is Seema Guha from Outlook Magazine. I wanted to ask you about the 13th Amendment. Whatever is happening to that? Has it just fallen by the wayside? And what is happening in these areas of the Provincial Council elections and all that? 

Nutan Kapoor Mahawar:  Second, Yeshi? 

Yeshi Seli:  This is Yeshi Seli from Business India. I'd like to know, how do you compare Sri Lanka's relationship with India vis-a-vis China, that has been a talking point for very long? 

Ashok Sajjanhar:  Thank you, I am Ashok Sajjanhar, former ambassador of India, so my question to you was, you have spoken very eloquently about the indispensability of India-Sri Lanka partnership, now as far as the world is concerned we see so much of turmoil and turbulence, geo-political, geo-economic in terms of technology. How do you think India and Sri Lanka can pool their resources, how can they work together to deal with these challenges that confront all of us? Thank you.

Nutan Kapoor Mahawar:  So we'll take this round of questions first. 

Sajith Premadasa:  I will strive to be precise and succinct in my answers. We fervently believe in the full implementation of the 13th Amendment, that's our policy stance, and we will work towards that. Provincial council elections need to be held, and it is incumbent upon the present administration to do so. It's an integral part of a functioning democracy. We have had three elections, presidential, the parliamentary and the local elections, and we are all ready to face up to the provincial elections, and those should be held. That would mean empowering the disempowered, disempowered for several years because of the non-holding of the elections. 

Indo-Sri Lanka relationship, in times of turmoil, certainly we have to understand, we live in a global community where interdependence is very much apparent. We have, throughout the decades, moved from bipolarity to multipolarity. As such, it is important that both our countries thrive and prosper through growth, equitable growth, progressive policies, policies that ensure that there is a higher standard of living for the people, that there is poverty alleviation, that there is export-led growth. There is a great necessity for diversification of export destinations. That is a must for Sri Lanka. There is a tendency throughout the years that we have put all of our eggs into a few baskets. So diversification in the export sector is the order of the day. And look at the three main sectors which support GDP, agriculture, services and the industrial sector. We have to ensure that we accelerate progress and development in all of these three sectors. Sri Lanka, for one, lags behind in the manufacturing sector and in the agricultural sector. And we need a cohesive, comprehensive approach to promote industrial development and agricultural modernisation. 

And we sincerely believe that on all of these issues, productive, constructive cooperation between our two countries will act as a catalyst to create peace, harmony and growth. As far as relationships with global powers are concerned, with countries are concerned, Indo-Sri Lanka relationship is a special relationship. It's a special relationship that has to be protected, promoted, enhanced for the good of both of its people. As I said before, we see India as an opportunity, not as a challenge, nor as an obstacle. The 1.4 billion market allows Sri Lanka to promote its goods and services, use the Indian market to spur export-led economic growth, ensure that the free trade agreements that are already in place are improved and built upon in a manner that benefits both countries. It cannot be a one-way street, it has to be two-way. It has to protect competitive advantages and comparative advantages to both our nation-states. So the Indo-Sri Lanka relationship is, by its true meaning, a special relationship. We as a country have to work with all. We need to work with all of the global powers, work towards promoting peace, reconciliation, amity, friendship. We believe in peace-building, we don't believe in war-mongering. Peace is essential and indispensable for global prosperity and for the prosperity of our two nations. So while maintaining our special relationship with India, we will work with all, we will respect all of the nation-states in the global community, and through our transactions we will ensure that the people of our countries, their rights, not just human and civic rights, rights in terms of the broad interpretation, rights that encompasses civic and political rights, and also the economic, social, cultural, and religious rights, and other rights, as espoused by ICCPR and ECOSOC. So I have a very pragmatic and realistic view of world affairs. Pragmatism and realism dictates that you be pragmatic, realistic, rational in decision-making, and such decision-making has to be meticulous, not ad hoc, not mere knee-jerk reactions. Decision-making that provide positive policy resultants. And our relationship with India will continue to prosper, and we will also work with all other countries to ensure that those relationships also accrue positive benefits to the people. 

Nutan Kapoor Mahawar:  Should we take the second round? So, General Mehta, and then Ambassador Yogendra Kumar, then maybe someone from this side. Okay, last, the lady in the last, okay? 

Ashok Mehta:  Did you say General Mehta? Sorry, yeah. No. Sorry. Am I... Can you... Thank you very much. I think somebody is trying to lay a booby trap. Thank you, Your Excellency. I'd like to press you. My name is General Mehta, Ashok Mehta, and I was commander of the Indian Peacekeeping Force in Sri Lanka South, and I've been an avid follower of India-Sri Lanka relations. I'd like to press you on the 13th Amendment, because your answer, Your Excellency, was rather succinct and brief. The 13th Amendment is an item which appears, as far as I know, and I think I know, in every joint statement that is issued whenever a Sri Lankan dignitary like yourself or your counterpart visits Sri Lanka. So it happens bilaterally. It is so important, I think. We lost 1171 soldiers in Sri Lanka, and I'm very grateful to the government of Sri Lanka for having built an IPKF memorial. Sadly, we don't have a similar memorial in our own country. But on the 13th Amendment, I would like you to tell us that it triggers every time and discussions are held, but it doesn't make any headway. So, and you talked about the provincial council elections slated for the future, so if that happens, then what is, I mean, I know your limitations as the leader of the opposition, but could you explain? And one minor second question, this is about the inclusivity. Again, the Sri Lankan government as it stands today, it's got a two-third majority, it has not a single Tamil, it has one Muslim deputy minister, but not a single Tamil minister. I think that's a conspicuous absence of inclusivity. Thank you. 

Sajith Premadasa:  May I answer? If that is permissible. First and foremost, let me answer with the minor part of your question. That precise question is something that you should pose to my political counterparts, not to myself. It's not my prerogative to provide appointments, be it as ministers or state ministers or deputy ministers, I think it should be posed to the Sri Lankan government. You said in the initial part that, you used the word booby traps. Well, I'm in a profession full of booby traps. I was brief and succinct, not for anything else, because I'm sure about my answer. I want to be precise. I didn't want to go on a voyage to create confusion, uncertainty, shower you with a lot of fancy words. I was precise, I believe I was cogent. What is needed is you need to walk the talk. You mentioned about the fact that, after many meetings, successive meetings, announcements are made, declarations are made, and so on and so forth. All I can say is I have not signed up to those. Because if I sign up to those, we will make sure that they don't confine themselves to mere declarations. There will certainly be action. So as far as policy is concerned, there is no divergence between declaratory policy and action policy as far as we are concerned. We would act. So as far as 13th Amendment is concerned, it's time to walk the talk. 

Yogendra Kumar:  Thank you, Chair. I am Yogendra Kumar, former ambassador. Sir, first of all, compliments and it's very good talk that you gave. You referred to the current crisis today and traced that to three sort of events which took place in Sri Lanka. One was the terror attack and the other one was the COVID crisis and then the economic. I wonder if you'll agree with me that I think the last thing that you mentioned that really in a way covers the previous two crisis situations. So my question actually to you is this. I mean, as an experienced political figure, could you say something about the quality of governance in Sri Lanka? And in what respects is it not coming up to the mark or your expectations? And what concrete steps are actually envisaged by you or the entire political leadership Sri Lanka to actually address the governance issue? Thank you. 

Vishu:  Hello, Excellency. This is Vishu from ANI. I have a question regarding the fishermen issue that is a longstanding and a sensitive one between the two countries. What, according to you, is a viable solution for the issue and how the two countries can work together? How two countries can work together to attain a sustainable solution to this issue, sir? 

Sajith Premadasa:  May I answer? I did mention the three major debacles, the Easter Sunday, Corona and the bankruptcy issue. But I think going beyond that, our fundamentals in the political sphere and the economic sphere were not sound in all of its aspects. So in addition to extricating ourselves from the present economic and political labyrinth, we have to make sure that when we do come out of bankruptcy, that we establish strong fundamentals. Fundamentals in the political sphere, fundamentals in the economic sphere. Make sure that our base foundations are not on quicksand. We have to have strong principles, strong preconceptions and predilections that ensure that strong fundamentals contributes towards prosperity and growth of our countries. 

You asked a question with regard to governance. I think one of the major deficiencies that I see, that I have seen, and to some extent still prevalent, are deficiencies in the policy processes. Policy processes, the policy cycle, the policy initiation, formulation, implementation, monitoring, evaluation. By and large, I have observed in most spheres, knee-jerk reactions. Ad-hoc decision-making. Decision-making that is not based on evidence, science, substance, fact. That's very important. No matter what you do, if we don't get the policy processes and the fundamentals corrected and revised, you will keep on making and committing the same mistakes. And at the end of the day, you will be part and parcel of a persistent and continuous vicious cycle. A vicious cycle that pushes Sri Lanka down to the precipice. 

The fishing issue. I think it's very important that the two countries cooperate and establish a proper workable framework. A framework that is based on fact and substance. There are international laws, rules and regulations, UNCLOS 1, UNCLOS 2, in terms of law of the sea, continental shelf, high seas, there are laws. We need to abide by those legal prescriptions. It's very important that we do that and ensure that illegal, unregulated, unreported fishing, which is considered illegal, which is considered the exception and not the norm, those rules and regimes have to be followed. We do understand that this involves livelihoods, this involves income to the households, but we have to ensure that all of those income generation methods stand the test of law. But of course, it's very important, rather than working without a framework, as it is right now, we need to have a permanent workable framework to resolve these disputes between our two countries, based on international law. 

Nutan Kapoor Mahawar:  Now we'll go for the next round, the boy in pink first, then yourself, madam, and then you. You can start first. 

Unidentified Speaker:  Thank you for the opportunity. So sir, my question is that the government of India had initiated a program called the Sagar Mala project back in 2015, and in the project too, Sri Lanka is deeply involved as well, and it has potential to do more. So sir, my question is, and also the Sagar Mala project was discussed at length by Sri Lanka's ex-Chief of Naval Staff, Admiral Perera as well, in the recently ended IPRD 2025. So sir, my question is, how do you see the Sagar Mala project in the context of Colombo-New Delhi partnership, given that there is a heightened need to secure our maritime resilience due to the tensions in the Indo-Pacific? Thank you. 

Nina Dey-Gupta:  Professor Nina Dey-Gupta, Vice President of World Council of Competitive Education. I've been observing that 1960s had had first youth unrest and this South Asia has been the region of extremely vociferous youth unrest in 2020s. So I was wondering whether you are thinking to keep youth as a sixth column of representing the depressive state that they are going through and the agony that they are going through because I tell you this, I was at the University of Peradeniya and there was Professor Sunethra Karunaratne who I asked her, I said please come to India when you're having such a lot of unrest there and you know, you're not able to buy anything, you're not able to travel anywhere. So she said, you know, Nina I cannot come to India now, because my students are on the streets, they're protesting for a change in government. So are you at all thinking as a youthful leader of opposition thinking of having anyone you're representing the youth in your country to voice their dissent and voice the way the current dispensation is working. If you're thinking in those lines and maybe it would help. 

Sajith Premadasa:  So I must thank you and congratulate you from the bottom of my heart because you consider myself being 58 years old as being youthful, thank you. As far as youth unrest is concerned if I may talk about that issue from a Sri Lankan perspective there have been occasions where youth unrest has taken place primarily due to disempowerment in a variety of arenas and fields take the most recent case of the Aragalaya that was also led by the youth they were promised active they were promised an active participatory role in the parliamentary decision-making process especially in the committees. It happened for a few months but then it stopped. Way back in 1990s there was a Youth Commission report that brought out certain proposals, for example an allocation of 40% of the candidatures for the local councils for individuals ranging from 18 to 35 years, that was abruptly changed after a few years. So I'm just giving you two examples where the youth have been promised reform, change, yet after a few months or years they are turned back. And this turning back has generated a great deal of suspicion. Suspicion of the youth in the traditional political frameworks. In the traditional political democratic structures. And they are very suspicious of promises, the talk of empowerment, because they are used as a carrot to bring about peace. But once peace is restored, those reforms are rolled back. I think that type of action keeps on generating uncertainty, instability and suspicion among the youth of Sri Lanka. We have to make sure that we fulfil our promises, not renege. 

I think the gentleman requested some clarification about the Sagar Mala project. So I think as far as the Indo-Sri Lanka relationship is concerned, it should not be confined to one topic, one sector, one title. It's far more multifarious. I think both of our countries have to get connected. Let's use the word connectivity. Economic connectivity, business, commerce, trade, development, exchange of personnel, in all of its aspects. Because connectivity and promotion of it between our two countries, as I see it, will provide a propitious environment for mass scale growth. Growth that will result in benefits to all. But we also have to make sure growth per se is inadequate. It has to be equitable growth. It has to be inclusive growth, I can mention to you from some statistics, from the Department of Statistics of Sri Lanka, if I remember correctly, I hope I don't get the dates wrong, either in ‘16 or ’17, 2015 or 16, everybody was bragging about high growth rates, but when you look at the share of national income, the richest 20% had a humongous share of national income, whereas the poorest 20% had a tuppence, it was minuscule. So growth has to be equitable and prosperity has to be shared. So I think taking the broad topic of connectivity, we have to promote connectivity in all its facets and aspects as far as Indo-Sri Lanka relations are concerned. 

Nutan Kapoor Mahawar:  Your Excellency, we'll take one last question because you have your next engagement. 

Sajith Premadasa:  Your wish is my command.

Nutan Kapoor Mahawar:  So the gentleman here, he's been raising his hand for quite some time.

Vijay Naik:  I'm Vijay Naik, I'm a journalist. I just want to go back to Arab Spring in your country, which had taken place, the rising of youth in the country. 

Sajith Premadasa:  Sorry, what spring? 

Nutan Kapoor Mahawar:  Arab Spring. Aragalaya. 

Sajith Premadasa:  Okay, yeah. 

Vijay Naik:  But according to you, whether it was failure of governance, authoritarianism or opposition to dynastic politics of Jayawardene family? And secondly, whether do you see return of dynastic families in Sri Lanka in the future? Thank you. 

Sajith Premadasa:  I think the Aragalaya was primarily based on economic grievances. If one had adequate fuel at affordable prices, if one had adequate amounts of gas, food items at affordable prices, it's very hard to say that there would have been an Aragalaya. You wouldn't have had the huge queues, the shortages that resulted in those queues. And that was the precipitative reason for the anarchical situation for the chaos that was created. Having said that, once again I would say that Sri Lanka has to initiate and promote fundamental change. Fundamental change that upholds the rights of the individual. Fundamental change that designs ladders of progress based on meritocracy, not aristocracy or family bandism. We need to create a merit-based society, a merit-based system and such structures will be greatly beneficial to the present and future generations of our country. 

Nutan Kapoor Mahawar:  Thank you your Excellency. With that we come to the end of our Question and Answer round. I am grateful to you for agreeing to interact with our audience Your Excellency and for sharing with us your views on a range of issues, from the domestic politics of Sri Lanka, to the economic situation and also on how to further strengthen India-Sri Lanka bilateral ties. With that I would like to now handover to my colleague Dr. Samatha. 

Samatha Mallempati:  On behalf of ICWA, I would like to take this opportunity to thank Honorable Mr. Sajith Premadasa, Leader of Opposition of Sri Lanka, for sharing his valuable views on the theme India-Sri Lanka Bilateral Relations. I also take this opportunity to thank the audience for their valuable participation. I invite you all to join us for high tea in the foyer. Thank you.

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List of Participants

1. Nutan Kapoor Mahawar, Acting Director General & Additional Secretary Indian Council of World Affairs (Chair)
2. Mr. Sajith Premadasa, Leader of Opposition, Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka