Indian Council of World Affairs

Arnab Chakrabarty: Friends, the Honorable President of Chile, His Excellency, Mr. Gabriel Boric, has arrived. Kindly rise to welcome him. Thank you. Ladies and gentlemen, you may switch between English and Spanish on your system, attached to your headphones, with channel one being English and channel two being Spanish. A very good afternoon to the dignitaries on the dais, to all the esteemed members of the audience, members of the diplomatic corps, respected academicians, media representatives, and students.

We have gathered here for the 53rd Sapru House Lecture. I am Dr. Arnab Chakrabarty, Research Fellow at the Indian Council of World Affairs. Today's Sapru House Lecture will be delivered by His Excellency, the Honorable President of Chile, Mr. Gabriel Boric, on the topic, Chile and India Side by Side on the Global South. The lecture will be chaired by Ambassador Nutan Kapoor Mahawar, Additional Secretary, Indian Council of World Affairs. Madam Mahawar will begin with the welcome remarks, after which we will proceed with the 53rd Sapru House Lecture delivered by our esteemed guest, His Excellency, Mr. Gabriel Boric, the Honorable President of the Republic of Chile. This will be followed by a brief conversation between the Chair and the Honorable President.

Let me now invite Ambassador Nutan Kapoor Mahawar to deliver her welcome remarks and conduct the proceedings. Thank you, ma'am.

Nutan Kapoor Mahawar: Excellencies, distinguished members of the Diplomatic Corps, academia and media and students, we are honored to host His Excellency, Mr. Gabriel Boric, President of the Republic of Chile, for today's 53rd Sapru House Lecture on Chile and India Side by Side on the Global South. This prestigious series of lectures at ICWA, India's oldest and leading foreign policy think tank has previously featured several eminent personalities, including heads of states and governments, and heads of international and regional organizations, and other personalities of eminence.

His Excellency Mr. Boric's eminent political career traces back to his formative years. He has been a progressive student leader, teacher of law, justice, and human rights, a parliamentarian, an advocate of inclusiveness when it comes to indigenous peoples in recognition of Chile's multicultural identity similar to India's, and a leader who has believed in empowering women by giving them key decision-making roles and by strengthening the country's gender-sensitive legislative base.

It was in 2008 that he commenced his journey in student leadership by being elected as a counselor for the Student Federation of the University of Chile, subsequently assuming the role of President of the Law Students Association in 2009. His dedication to student advocacy culminated in his becoming university senator in 2010-11 during a pivotal period of student mobilization. President Boric served two terms as a deputy from 2014 to 2018 and again from 2018 to 2022.

In 2021, he was honored to be nominated as the presidential candidate for the Apruebo Dignidad (I Approve of Dignity Coalition), achieving an impressive 60% of the votes in the primaries. Following a rigorous electoral process, he was elected as Chile's youngest president later that year with the highest vote and participation. During his presidency, friends, three major directions of his work related to foreign policy have come to the fore, namely the environment, Latin American integration, and multilateralism.

His Turquoise foreign policy that advocates amalgamating green initiatives to address climate change concerns with blue initiatives to protect the oceans is creatively curated to spur meaningful action. He espoused the world's concern for Antarctica's environment by becoming Latin America's first Head of State to visit the South Pole. His model of issue-based cooperation over rigid ideological alignments has brought a breath of fresh air in the country's approach to its region and beyond.

His multilateralist vision has prioritized dialogue and international cooperation and democratic decision-making, upheld international law, defended human rights, and called for reforming institutions of global governance. He believes in strengthening regionalism, calling for a revitalized Patria Grande, greater homeland in a world marred by great power rivalry and strategic competition. Chile's commitment to strategic autonomy in its foreign policy resonates with India's own approach in this regard.

President Boric's progressive foreign policy has aligned with India's growing global outreach, fostering cooperation across trade, technology, energy, and cultural exchange, and a notable emphasis on mutual interest in sustainable development and critical minerals, where Chile is a global leader. The leadership of the two countries has focused on deepening trade ties, particularly in pharmaceuticals, healthcare, and renewable energy.

Chile is also open to leveraging India's advancements in IT and digital infrastructure. The agriculture sector also has immense prospects for bilateral cooperation, as does the space sector. India welcomes Chile's participation in its global initiatives, such as the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure and International Solar Alliance, for achieving shared objectives.

Your Excellency, today we are witnessing a world mired in various challenges, from conflicts to financial disparities. The COVID-19 pandemic laid bare the frailty of our systems, and its economic effects have taken an unprecedented toll. Having learned our lessons, we stand at a juncture where the policies adopted today will shape our collective future. The Global South has often spoken in unison about the structural inequalities that still exist.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has put forward the proposal for a Global Development Compact, focusing on trade for development, capacity building, technology sharing, and concessional finance for sustainable projects. Chile has viewed Global South and South-South relations as pivotal to its foreign policy, reflecting your vision, Your Excellency, of a more equitable, multipolar world order.

Today, as we celebrate the growing partnership between India and Chile, we also recognize the values that unite us democracy, sustainability, economic equity, and the advocacy of South-South solidarity. The relationship between India and Chile also holds another special significance. We are both cradles of ancient civilizations. We are home to traditions, philosophies, and knowledge systems that date back millennia, giving us ample reason to strengthen our cooperation for the benefit of our peoples.

With this, I have the honor to invite His Excellency, Mr. Gabriel Boric, the Honorable President of the Republic of Chile, to deliver the 53rd Sapru House Lecture on Chile and India Side by Side on the Global South. Mr. President.

His Excellency, Mr. Gabriel Boric: Good afternoon to everyone here. I understand the simultaneous translation is working. Yes? Thank you very much for your warm welcome to this historic place, which, according to the Director, is the first International Studies Center, dating back even before India's independence from the British Empire in 1947.

It is truly an honor that the doors of this place have been opened for us to have a dialogue and deepen the friendship between our peoples and also the geopolitical vision that Chile has in these turbulent times. We are very grateful for the invitation extended to us by Prime Minister Modi to make this state visit which, as we have mentioned on other occasions, is the first by a Chilean leader in 16 years, following in the footsteps of Presidents Lagos and Bachelet. We are accompanied by a large delegation of ministers, parliamentarians, businessmen, teachers, artists and workers, who are a part of the diversity of Chile and highlight the tremendous opportunities that we have in terms of cooperation and collaboration between Chile and India.

In three cities, we will have an extensive work agenda that seeks to deepen this bilateral relationship in the political, economic, social, and cultural spheres. We always have the objective, which we cannot lose sight of, that everything we do on these trips is to benefit and improve the quality of life of our people, not to console ourselves.

Our country, as Prime Minister Modi, now the Minister of Commerce, recalled yesterday, stood by India on that historic day when they achieved their independence. In 1947, Juan Marín was present as a special envoy of the Chilean government, and a few years later, we opened our first embassy in New Delhi.

This is a colorful, diverse country. Today, it's the most populated country in the world. One of the largest. We've come to discover what unites us and strengthens our relationship. Chile is a medium-sized country, located in the southern part of the world. But we're open to the world. We have a firm conviction in which friendship politics and alliances strategies that go further beyond the​ presidents in office, but as State policies and the ties, trade relations with a large number of countries guarantee that we can be protagonists of the future. India also has the distinction of being the largest democracy in Asia. It has remained so since its independence. Chile, for its part, has an ancient republican tradition, brutally interrupted in 1973 for 17 dark years, but resumed in 1990 when we recovered our democracy and began to open up to the world. Since then, we have worked tirelessly to strengthen its foundations, a foundation that unites us and has become a long-term state policy. The permanent search for the deepening and improvement of democracy always.

As Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, one of the drafters of the Indian Constitution and a human rights advocate, reflected, the principle of one person, one vote grants political equality, but does not touch economic and social inequalities. A contradiction that at the time, in the early 1950s, he called for eliminating as soon as possible. This call was formulated decades ago and is still valid today. We are guided by the conviction that our democracies will be fuller and stronger if we succeed in reducing inequalities and advance towards a better distribution of the benefits of growth. In this endeavour, we find ourselves today in India and Chile, where we have managed to significantly reduce poverty in our countries to varying degrees. However, something has changed. And, I think it is important as a political vision to raise it here.

During the 20th century, One and perhaps since the triumph of the German social democrats in 1918 against the Spartacus grouping, which pitted those led by Friedrich Ebert against Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Leibknecht, was established in Western Europe as a system that gradually advanced and consolidated after World War II into a social democracy that institutionally channelled the needs of the population through parliamentary democracies. A system was established in Western Europe that gradually advanced and consolidated after the Second World War into a social democracy that institutionally channelled through parliamentary democracies the needs of the population, in particular the most disadvantaged among them. This was seen as a need for justice and, at the same time, as a different path from the political revolution, the social revolution, which was proposed from Soviet Russia in 1917 onwards. The often atavistic fear of communism meant that various concessions were made in Western societies that might not otherwise have been made. But it was not just a Western European thing. Let us recall, for example, the Alliance for Progress after the Wilsonian doctrine, at the beginning of the century, propagated by the United States, which said America for the Americans. But understood, Americans not as the inhabitants of the individual nations of America, but merely as the inhabitants of the United States or its ruling elites.

It significantly changed the way we understand international relations. At one point, from the violent intervention in Guatemala through the United Food Company, it shifted to a less aggressive military policy, with various types of coups in the Dominican Republic, Cuba, Nicaragua, and even supporting various interventions in other countries. It shifted to a less aggressive military policy, but one that understood that to avoid revolution, a better distribution of power and wealth was necessary. This was, in a way, the Alliance for Progress, which had very significant effects in Chile. For example, the agrarian reform promoted by President Frie Montalva during the second half of the 1960s. However, the Soviet Union disappeared. The Soviet Union disappeared with all the tragedies that its implementation entailed. Often, with the contempt that the Soviet Union showed for the freedom and independence of other peoples. And I'm not here, therefore, to defend that period of the Cold War or to take up its banner. I don't like walls, I like bridges. But what I want to say today is that once the Soviet Union fell and therefore the fear of communism ended and when some proclaimed... the end of history.

A new process of accumulation, wealth and power was generated in the world, which to this day, from the progressive sectors and from the different worldviews, we have not found a clear solution to confront. This is perhaps reaching its epitome. A couple of months ago, at the inauguration of the new president of the United States, where we saw the big billionaires of the world, of the Big-Tech. Jeff Bezos, Larry Brain, Elon Musk, Mark Zuckerberg, accompanied by a reverence of other times. Why do I mention this? Because it seems important to me that from emerging countries, with new, new global challenges, we are able to be capable of being a new emperor. With new global challenges, we should be able to rethink how technological changes have a significant impact on how our societies develop. At the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th century, the industrial revolution revolutionized the way we produce. And that brought with it something that was very important, which was the organization of workers, who organized themselves from a common place, which was the factory. But today these are different times.

The old trade unionism of the 19th and 20th century is no longer possible in times of globalisation. We have to think about it in a new way and that is why I would like to read you a short excerpt from the new book by Nobel laureate Daron Acemoglu with Simon Johnson, which makes the following point: Today, Chile and India are no exception. Much of the world's population lives better than our ancestors because citizens and workers in early industrial societies organised themselves, challenged elite decisions about technology and working conditions, and forced the... creation of new mechanisms to share more equally the benefits of innovation. Today we need to do the same thing again. The good news is that we have incredible tools, such as MRI, the internet, mRNA vaccines, industrial robots, chips with spectacular processing capacity, and a gigantic amount of data on many things that we didn't even have the possibility of measuring before. It is quite possible to use all these inventions to solve real problems. But only if we are able to use these incredible capabilities to help people. However, it seems that this is not the direction El Mundo is taking these days. Despite the lessons of history, the dominant discourse today has reverted to an approach strikingly similar to that which prevailed in Great Britain 250 years ago. We live in deeply elitist times dominated by blind optimism.

People who make big decisions once again fall deaf to the suffering they create in the name of progress. And what I want to say in this talk is that progress is never an automatic process. It is not an inexorable path, defined by which we are obliged to follow. Let me not be misunderstood, please, let there be no capricious wedges about this; we want progress. We want progress. We want growth. But we want to define our path to progress and growth, and not have it defined for us by a small, new technological oligarchy. A new, more inclusive perspective on technology can only emerge if the basis of social power also changes. This undoubtedly requires, as was done in the 19th century and so many other times, and that is why it is important to read and understand history. The emergence of divergent arguments and organizations that can challenge the dominant thinking. That is also why we must defend democracy. We must challenge the current approach and shift technological progress away from the control of a very small elite. It may be more difficult today than it was in 19th-century Britain or the 20th-century United States. But that doesn't make it any less crucial, and we must make every effort to achieve it. To achieve this, multilateralism is the key today. Multilateralism today is our path.

Chile. In Chile, we are guided by the conviction that democracies will be stronger and fuller if we manage to reduce inequalities and move towards a better distribution of the benefits of growth, without, however, leaving it aside. That is what we are working towards in our country and, from what I have seen and studied, that is also the path they are on in India. And that is why I want to stress the affinity and the convergent positions of India and Chile in many, many aspects. On the importance of bilateral and multilateral trade. In the protection of supply chains, in the promotion of investments, in public-private collaboration, in the strengthening of multilateralism and the value we place on the protection and defence of democracy and human rights. These coincidences, which are not few in these turbulent times, have allowed us to maintain a solid and stable bond over the years. Chile has defined India as a priority for its foreign policy. Being here today is not a matter of chance. With our Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Alberto Van Klaveren, and the Foreign Ministry team that is doing a tremendous job in making everything that is happening around this tour happen, we met months ago in La Moneda, the Chilean Government Palace, to define what the tours we were going to make during our government were going to be. And we defined together that India was one of the fundamental places because of all the potential that we are not taking full advantage of today. And that, without a doubt, this visit is going to allow us to strengthen it very strongly. India's leadership in technology, innovation, renewable energy and digital infrastructure is extremely important for the development of our country. Our visit, which also includes a visit to Mumbai and Bangalore, will enable us to strengthen our ties with India as a State policy and effort which, I have no doubt, will be projected far beyond the Government I have the honour of presiding. In Chile, governments last four years without the possibility of immediate re-election, which from my perspective is not enough time to be able to develop long-term projects. But I have no doubt that whoever succeeds me, regardless of his or her political persuasion, will give continuity to foreign policy, because if there is one positive thing, which is demonstrated today by parliamentarians from different political sectors, it is that in Chile we have tacitly agreed that foreign policy is a state policy and, therefore, it is outside the trenches and the back-and-forth of everyday politics. India is now our seventh largest trading partner and I have no doubt that there is much potential for further growth. Chile does not want to depend on just one country. The world has seen the difficulties of being too dependent on a single country, as in the case of Germany with Russian gas. That is why increasing our trade with India, which has already been increasing significantly - 34% in recent years, 35% last year with respect to 2023 - is positive, and exports registered a growth of more than 71%, but it is still not enough. For all the potential we have, it is still not enough.

To consolidate and continue this growth path, it is time to deepen our economic trade relations by negotiating a comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA). We agreed yesterday with Prime Minister Modi, the Foreign Minister and ratified this morning with the Indian Trade Minister. We have also set a deadline to achieve it during this year, with the goodwill of all parties. The fact is that Chile and India share principles that are important at the international level. Since the Cold War ended, we both defend strategic autonomy, but that doesn't imply isolation, but rather a diversity of multilateral alliances with different sectors. Now that the Cold War is over, we both defend a strategic autonomy that does not imply isolation but rather a diversity of multilateral alliances with different sectors. We have just opened an embassy - correct me, Foreign Minister - in Saudi Arabia. Yes, we have just had a trip to the United Arab Emirates. We closed the update of the AMA (Advance Framework Agreement) treaty with the European Union. We celebrated 20 years of the free trade agreement with the United States, we actively participated in the exchange activities of the PEC. And we also have a privileged relationship with China. India is undoubtedly, or the Indian subcontinent is undoubtedly one of the countries with which we want to deepen our relationship in this framework, in this network that Chile has. We also share a potential for scientific and technological cooperation and an economic complementarity that we must be able to leverage.

Agribusiness, the digital economy, the film industry, and critical minerals such as lithium and copper are key areas. Chile, through its national lithium and green hydrogen strategies, seeks to contribute to the decarbonization agenda, sharing the vision that the energy transition is perhaps the most important generational challenge we face as humanity. Ladies and gentlemen, these are times of great turbulence. These are times of threats, of unilateral tariffs. These are even times of disregard for international law and the territorial sovereignty of countries. A medium-sized country like ours does not seek to align itself with a particular leadership. It's not that I have a special relationship with President Zelensky or Mahmoud Abbas. The point is that for Chile to command respect in the world, our best tool is international law. And therefore, the condemnation of terrorism, as well as the condemnation of unilateral aggression, is an essential part of our foreign policy. And I know that is something we share with India.

This morning, sorry, yesterday morning, together with Prime Minister Modi, we discussed how to respond to this increasingly tense climate, and one of the responses is to strengthen the networks of our countries, foster friendship and exchange, to make way for greater diversity in the world order. There will be those who legitimately ask in our countries of origin, what's the point of these tours? Are they just going to stroll or take photos? You who are with us today will be able to say with full knowledge of the facts that this is not the case. We are working for the well-being of our people. And because in a place like Santa Bárbara or the Mallarauco Valley, where different fruits are grown, or the valleys of Colchagua, there will be more workers with better salaries because we will be opening up a market that did not exist for Chile before. These are peasant families, peasant family farming that will benefit from Chile's long-term foreign policy.

We are talking about the mining industry, where we will certainly be able to improve our practices in order to have a better relationship with our communities. Or the Chilean film industry, which has so much to grow. We have to learn from Bollywood. Not to mention entrepreneurship or teachers, who today, with great effort from public education, from Emilia Lascar or Liceo 1, are making a difference by encouraging their students to incorporate various technologies in the classroom and who will be able to share with the innovation that teachers and students in India are carrying out here. We are also interested in and share the concern, as I said before, for respect for the environment. Both nations have signed the BBNJ agreement on biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction.  Surely everyone has seen those large islands of plastic that are sailing our oceans, polluting and endangering biodiversity, which ultimately end up affecting our societies as well. Chile has offered to host the BBNJ General Secretariat and we hope to have the support of the country of India as well. I also highlight India's leading role in promoting South-South cooperation. And I commend it for creating and leading international cooperation organisations such as the International Solar Alliance, the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure. And we are working to actively integrate into both multilateral bodies.

We have participated together in the G20 summits, the 20 largest economies in the world, of which we are not a member, but since Chile is valued worldwide, we have been invited. Last year, we participated in the Voices of the Global South summit, organized by India, and this year we will also be a joint participant in the BRICS meeting. Furthermore, Chile has been a staunch advocate for the necessary reform of both the economic and political governance of the United Nations system. You will recall, not in person because I imagine none of those present were born at the time, but from your studies, the failure of the League of Nations. The United States decided not to join despite the wishes of its president, President Wilson. And where the League of Nations failed due to the impossibility of reaching agreements, and when Japan invaded China, and was condemned by the League of Nations, its response was not simply to withdraw from the invasion, but to withdraw from the League of Nations. This idea of withdrawing from the UN sounds familiar, as it is rife in some of our societies today. To prevent us from reaching this level of ineffectiveness, reforms are needed. A more inclusive Security Council, where a country as powerful as India or Brazil is a permanent member and without veto power. In these encounters and coincidences, India and Chile have reinforced their conviction that no country, not even the most powerful, can confront phenomena such as the climate crisis, pandemics, the digital revolution, or transnational organized crime alone. We have seen with pain, for example, the floods in Spain a couple of months ago; the brutal fires in California in the United States; or what we have experienced in Chile, also brutal fires that have burned thousands of hectares; or the winter floods two years ago. Not to mention the earthquakes in Myanmar and Thailand right here. And the truth is, ladies and gentlemen, we need each other. We need a living United Nations. We need the World Health Organization. We need to ensure that our conviction that science saves lives continues. In our country, there are candidates who are even denying the effectiveness of vaccines. In other countries, we have measles outbreaks that haven't existed for years, precisely the result of scientific denialism.

We cannot go back on the civilisational advances we have made during these decades of working together. In this respect, I have no doubt that we will be together with India. I would also like to tell you that from Chile, we are interested in your culture. Not only in yoga or Ayurveda, which are perhaps the most popular, but also in understanding how the civilisations of the Indus Valley, which together with China are perhaps the longest-lived civilisations that exist today from the perspective of continuity, have managed to keep their traditions alive and incorporate them into their worldview. Understanding in a holistic way, the way we relate to each other and not only from competition or materialism. I reiterate my thanks for your presence today, for the invitation, and through you, I extend my thanks to the government and people of India who have given us such a warm welcome. I confess that I am a little embarrassed to see these giant posters, but I am also grateful in a way. I have deep hope for the dialogue between our countries, our cultures. And I have deep hope for the future. I am one of those who declare myself to be stubbornly optimistic. And I believe that we have the possibility of channeling these technological changes towards greater well-being for our peoples. And that from the global south, we have a potential for cooperation and working together that can be decisive in the coming decades. We are here to foster that potential, to embrace the brotherhood between our peoples, to learn from each other and to work together for a better world. Thank you very much.

Nutan Kapoor Mahawar: Thank you, Your Excellency. We are immensely thankful to the Honorable President of the Republic of Chile, His Excellency, Mr. Gabriel Boric, for delivering the 53rd Sapru House Lecture at the Indian Council of World Affairs. Your Lecture, Your Excellency, provided insights into the state of the world today, the necessity for the global south to take firm shape and assert its views, the importance of multilateralism and the need to strengthen it, the key importance of nurturing democratic traditions, and the contributions that India and Chile individually and together can make to this dynamic.

Chile and India, even though separated across geography and time zones, are traditional partners and face rapidly transitioning global scenarios. Cooperation between both the countries on various aspects will be paramount for shared ideals, prosperity, and development. Your perspectives, Your Excellency, are a key voice from Latin America, and they will certainly spur thinking at our end. Your Excellency, your lecture has created room for some questions, which I wish to ask with your permission. May I?

My first question is on Chile and the world order. The world, as you also said, is undergoing profound shifts with emerging global challenges such as conflicts, disparities, divisions between regions and countries. At ICWA, we have been talking about the emergence of a new world order, where multipolarity thrives and traditional seeds of power face erosion while newer ones emerge. Chile's role will certainly bear impact during this stage of transition. How does Chile view the global events and position itself?

His Excellency, Mr. Gabriel Boric: What we in Chile maintain as a principle for dealing with the different vicissitudes of the world, and in particular the more complex conflicts that are currently taking place, is that we have to maintain a coherent standard. In our continent, many times countries -leaderships more than countries- end up aligning themselves according to the sympathy or closeness they have in a circumstantial way with the president in office. What we have defended, and something that I believe has given our country prestige, is that we do not distinguish between left and right when talking about democracies and dictatorships. That we do not distinguish between any kind of religion that justifies terrorism or genocide.

Rather, we stand for principles and, as I have said on other occasions, for example, with regard to the conflict in the Middle East, in particular between Israel and Palestine, we fervently refuse to have to choose between the terrorist barbarity of Hamas and the genocide being carried out by the State of Israel against the Palestinian people. We choose humanity. Humanity in political terms means, as ratified by the vast majority of the world's countries, a two-state solution where two states can live side by side in peace and security.  The same goes for those who raise red and black flags, which at one time inspired many generations - and even Chileans went to fight in Nicaragua - and today we see how it has been transformed into a family klepto-dictatorship. We have no shame, no ambiguity in being able not only to criticise it, but to condemn it and offer support to those who have been declared stateless and deprived of their nationality. That is why Chile's position on the different conflicts in the world - for example, the Russian invasion of Ukraine - I understand that there are certain principles of realpolitik that must be taken into account, but what we defend is respect for international law. And when a country invades another country unilaterally with the aim of taking part of its territory, which has been legally recognised, we say: that cannot be allowed.

And we see, unfortunately, that there are many conflicts in the making. In 1914, before the assassination of Franz Ferdinand, there was a feeling, an expectation of war. I was reading recently a text written in 1938, where it was presumed that some conflict was going to break out soon. And it is very difficult not to think of the former British Prime Minister Chamberlain, when he arrives from Munich with the little piece of paper, waving what he saw as the guarantee of peace, having handed over the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia to Nazi Germany.

When it comes to the principles of international law, in our view, there is no room - or should be no room - for concessions to expansionist sentiments. Countries should respect each other, borders should respect each other, and the way we relate to each other should be through trade and culture, not war.

Latin America, in particular - if I remember correctly, correct me if I am wrong - the last war it had was the Chaco War, South America at least, and not counting the civil wars. And, therefore, we are proud of this tradition of peace. But this tradition of peace is based on the shared rules that we have given ourselves and on not having double standards when it comes to judging who violates international agreements or the defence - which in our view must be unrestricted - of human rights.

Nutan Kapoor Mahawar: Thank you for your response, Your Excellency. It is important that for a just world peace, dialogue and diplomacy are prioritized. There are assessments from different quarters of the world that the world is already multipolar. Shifts in power and changing equations are noticeable, which again call for more and not less cooperation among countries and regions for long-term stability and predictability.

Also Latin America, with its abundance of resources, talent and determination, you will agree with me Your Excellency, will have to make its own contribution to the emergence of a new world order. My next question deals with the Latin American region. When you talk about cooperation in the Global South, a question often arises on a pan-Latin American vision, the context being Latin America as a cohesive actor in global affairs. You also mentioned about cohesiveness in your earlier response. However, since there are differences within the region, what are those aspects on which you think that Latin America as a region should engage to achieve more coordination and unison?

His Excellency, Mr. Gabriel Boric: The old President of Uruguay, José Mujica, keeps telling us that in Latin America, and particularly in South America, we need less rhetoric and more action. We have had a hard time coming together in Latin America to be an actor that speaks with one voice in multilateral debates. Even small countries, perhaps because of their own status, such as CARICOM, act in a united manner in international fora. The European Union, whose territory has seen bloody wars for a significant part of its history, is today acting with the unity of the European Union, regardless of the fact that there may be certain circumstantial differences, as in the case of Hungary.

However, in Latin America we have not been able to move in that direction. It has to do with perhaps the characteristics of the magical realism of our constitution. Of our constitution as a region, no, not a political constitution. It is something that we have to overcome with actions. And I humbly believe that little by little we are making progress on that. One of the most important initiatives that we are going to achieve and that we are making concrete is the Bi-Oceanic corridor, which involves Argentina, Paraguay, Brazil and Chile. We have made significant progress in normalizing or improving relations with Bolivia, which for so long have been severed in our countries. The Pacific Alliance, which as a result of circumstances...

Regrettable circumstances between Mexico and Ecuador, and also between Mexico and Peru, have weakened the Pacific Alliance, but it was an important space for coordination. The Brasilia consensus has helped us to have greater coordination in police matters in the face of one of the main threats we face in Latin America, which is transnational organised crime. But more is needed. A couple of weeks ago we met in Uruguay with the presidents of Colombia, Uruguay, Brazil, and then we incorporated some others to take a joint position with respect to the OAS. One of the possibilities is to resume a joint dialogue that will allow us to have a joint position, for example, for the discussion of the COP that will take place in Belem do Para.

During this 2025, to update the Paris agreements, which we are not reaching at the cost of our own existence. So, I do not have a concrete answer because it is something that exceeds me in my last year of government, but I also hope, as when it is my turn to leave this space, to be able to work for greater unity in Latin America, beyond the rhetoric that is so typical of our continent. As our great poet Vicente Huidobro said, the adjective kills when it does not give life. We have been murderers of the adjective in Latin America.

Nutan Kapoor Mahawar: Thank you, Your Excellency. Cooperation has multiple facets and there may be challenges and issues, which at times call for dialogue and discussion. As a region, Latin America has been instrumental as a powerful voice for the Global South, be it at the UN or other multilateral bodies. There is optimism and certainly Latin America, as you yourself said that you are very optimistic, and certainly Latin America will continue to play a pivotal leadership role in future developments. Unique ideas from the region have in the past become global templates and there is no doubt that this would continue with renewed vigor. Your Excellency, should I ask another question?

Okay, thank you. My next question deals with your domestic initiatives. Your Excellency, Chile has stood out as an example of women empowerment, even though as we are all aware that women face discrimination, gender violence and lack of access to equal opportunities across the world. Could you please tell us in what ways your Presidency has empowered women in terms of security, access to opportunities and health? We hear that you have also put in place a feminist foreign policy.

His Excellency, Mr. Gabriel Boric: Taking advantage of the context of the question, I would like, if you allow me, to give the floor to my Minister for Women, who is present here, so that she can respond.

Good morning. With more encouragement. Good morning to you all. Thank you very much, Chairman, for giving me the response. I was just writing it a... I did not ask for a comment that indeed among the civilisational advances that we must defend multilaterally are women's rights and our full humanity. We have come together with the Chilean delegation as the Ministry of Women, knowing that in our different cultures and history we have, for example, advances in common. To work, we are admirers of the policies of Iran or Curie, and also the policy of rural empowerment, for example.

And, in that sense, there is a fundamental point, and we have also discussed it with the Ministers of Women's Affairs of the governments of Spain, Brazil, and Uruguay, which has to do precisely with phenomena that are not reversible, no matter how much some would like to make it so. These have to do, for example, with the decisive incorporation of women into paid work, which have to do, for example, with our incorporation into political citizenship. This is not just about voting, but also, as we well know in both countries, education. It is still so fundamental, of course, to fill these gaps... and ultimately, we have a great challenge ahead. Women have decisively entered the public sphere, entered political decisions, as we are today in the business delegation, also in private enterprise and startups. But we need to shift our strategy and what we have proposed through care diplomacy.

And in building alliances for sustainability, both in the face of demographic changes and to sustain the female workforce without declining birth rates, we must incorporate men into caregiving and child-rearing roles, and I believe that is our main challenge in defending the achievement of women's rights as a global civilizational advance.

Nutan Kapoor Mahawar: Thank you, madam. It is important that, for a just and equitable world, women receive their equal share. And I'm sure your initiatives, Chile's initiatives, will prove to be an example for women empowerment for other countries with similar socioeconomic profiles as Chile. Sir, one last question, if it is okay. My last question deals with your visit. What were the major discussions and events that took place during your visit, and what are the significant outcomes for both our countries? And also, if I may add, which aspect of India do you find most thought-provoking or appealing?

His Excellency, Mr. Gabriel Boric: When... When I was reviewing on the long trip we had of 23 hours, the folders preparing for this trip, one of the things that was evident, or that was marked as worrying, the uncertainty that existed with regard to the joint conviction of starting CEPA. negotiations and having been able to settle this point at the first meeting with Prime Minister Modi, with the Minister for Foreign Affairs and this morning with the Minister of Finance, I think it has been a tremendous success, that we were also able to put a time limit on it, so at least that’s something I’m very happy about and it was one of the main objectives, But not only that, in these times, as we have said, where there is so much uncertainty about global supply chains, being able to open new markets for our products is tremendously important.

I can see Máximo Pacheco, our principal, our manager at the national copper company Codelco, sitting there in the distance. One of the instructions I gave him before coming, and which we discussed, was precisely to look for ways to diversify our copper exports beyond these occasional price increases due to increased stocks in response to tariff increases. And of course, in another dimension, we believe Chile has a lot to contribute in the cultural and educational spheres. That's why, in something perhaps not so common, I asked our Minister of Culture to join us to also open new spaces and showcase Chile as an incredible location for filming, but also to promote our cultural industry and showcase the work we're doing in culture. I was very pleased that when I boarded the Chilean Airforce plane that brought us, the crew members told me, "This is the largest delegation ever brought by a president." Seeing people who don't know each other talking to each other and learning about each other's different experiences is incredibly valuable, because bringing together diverse people is part of the goal any government must pursue. So, from my perspective, having only been two days into this tour, it has already been tremendously beneficial. What I would like, personally, is to understand a little more about India's history and approach it in a respectful manner.

The principles that inform spirituality, which is so important in its way of conceiving the world. Not to become a believer or whatever, but to be able to better understand this civilization.

Nutan Kapoor Mahawar: Thank you very much, Your Excellency. India and Chile have a shared history of close and friendly ties. We share warm bonds and both countries view one another as steady partners. We are confident that your visit to India will give a fresh impetus to our relationship and our ties will grow stronger across sectors bilaterally, and in multilateral fora.

With that, friends, we come to the end of our Q&A round. I'm sure our audience has immensely benefited from your lecture, and this conversation has provided them with food for thought. Now I handover to my colleague Dr. Arnab Chakrabarty.

Arnab Chakrabarty: Thank you, ma'am. Let me take this moment to acknowledge and offer my gratitude to our Honorable President of the Republic of Chile, His Excellency Mr. Gabriel Boric. This thought-provoking lecture has provided fresh perspectives on the cooperation between our countries. Your Excellency, your vision resonates with the ideals of cooperation and standing strong even during such paradigm shifts that the world witnesses today. Advocating for the voices of the Global South, our countries are rich in history, tradition and culture, which share strong bonds binding us together despite the immense geographical distance.

To quote the famous Chilean poet and Nobel Laureate, Pablo Neruda, Podrán cortar todas las flores, pero no podrán detener la primavera. Which means one may cut off all the flowers, yet spring will arrive. On behalf of the Indian Council of World Affairs, I extend our deepest gratitude to Your Excellency for your lecture and to our esteemed audience for their patience. I take this opportunity to extend my sincere gratitude to all the support staff whose hard work and dedication has contributed to the success of today's event.

You're all warmly invited to join us for high tea, which will be served in the foyer for dignitaries and behind the auditorium for students. I request everyone to remain kindly seated until the dignitaries have exited the auditorium. With this, the program concludes. Thank you. Muchísimas gracias.

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List of Participants 

1. Ambassador Nutan Kapoor Mahawar, Additional Secretary, ICWA: Chair 
2. His Excellency Mr. Gabriel Boric Font, President of the Republic of Chile 
3. Dr. Arnab Chakrabarty, Research Fellow, ICWA